Políticas Comerciais Comparadas Desempenho e Modelos Organizacionais

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1 Políticas Comerciais Comparadas Desempenho e Modelos Organizacionais Políticas COMERCIALES COMPARADAS Modelos Organizacionales y su Desempeño Comparative Trade Policies Organizational Models and Performance

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3 FundaÁ o Instituto de Pesquisas EconÙmicas Microart - 3ª prova Políticas Comerciais Comparadas Desempenho e Modelos Organizacionais Políticas COMERCIALES COMPARADAS Modelos Organizacionales y su Desempeño Comparative Trade Policies Organizational Models and Performance

4 Dados Internacionais de Catalogação na Publicação (CIP) (Câmara Brasileira do Livro, SP, Brasil) P779 Políticas comerciais comparadas: desempenho e modelos organizacionais. Coordenado por: Brazilian Institute for International Trade Negotiations (ICONE); Economic Research Foundation of the University of São Paulo (FIPE); United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID). São Paulo: Singular, p. ISBN: Títulos em inglês e espanhol: Comparative Trade Policies: Organizational Models and Performance; Políticas Comerciales Comparadas: Modelos Organizacionales y su Desempeño. 1. Comércio exterior. 2. Política comercial. 3. Política social. 4. Pobreza. 5. Desigualdade Social. I. Comparative Trade Policies: Organizational Models and Performance. II. Políticas Comerciales Comparadas: Modelos Organizacionales y su Desempeño. III. Brazilian Institute for International Trade Negotiations (ICONE). IV. I. Economic Research Foundation of the University of São Paulo(FIPE). V.. United Kingdom Department for International Development (DFID). CDU: (81) CDD: Coordenação Editorial: Maria Helena Tachinardi, Adriana Leal e Saulo Nogueira Este trabalho foi realizado com o apoio do Departament of International Development DFID (Ministério de Desenvolvimento Britânico para o Desenvolvimento Internacional). As opiniões emitidas nesta publicação são de exclusiva e inteira responsabilidade dos autores, não exprimindo, necessariamente, o ponto de vista do Departament of International Development. Diagramação: Microart Com. Editoração Eletrônica Ltda. Capa: Studio Graal Icone desta edição: Editora Singular Editora Singular Rua José Nóbrega Barbosa, São Paulo-SP Tel/fax: site:

5 Sumário APRESENTAÇÃO Marcos Sawaya Jank e Simão Davi Silber... 7 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: TRADE POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA, THE UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Mário Jales POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NO BRASIL: CARACTERÍSTICAS, CONDICIO- NANTES DOMÉSTICOS E POLICY-MAKING Pedro da Motta Veiga LA FORMULACIÓN DE LA POLÍTICA COMERCIAL EN LA ARGENTINA: Fundamentos Estructurales e Institucionales de la Volatilidad Roberto Bouzas y Sebastián M. Cabello COMENTÁRIOS (BRASIL E ARGENTINA) Mario Marconini HACIA EL LIBRE COMERCIO: TREINTA AÑOS DE APERTURA COMER- CIAL EN CHILE Raúl E. Sáez POLÍTICAS COMPARATIVAS DE COMERCIO EXTERIOR EN MÉXICO ( ) Jaime Zabludovsky K COMMENTS (CHILE AND MEXICO) Antoni Estevadeordal and Jessica Luna CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN UNITED STATES TRADE POLICY: I. M. (Mac) Destler TRADE POLICY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION Jacint Jordana and Andrea Bianculli COMMENTS (UNITED STATES AND EUROPEAN UNION) Marcelo de Paiva Abreu CURRICULUM VITAE DOS AUTORES, COMENTADORES E COORDENA- DORES ÍNDICE

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7 Apresentação Marcos Sawaya Jank Simão Davi Silber A presença de múltiplas frentes de negociação internacional neste início de século, no âmbito da Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) e em acordos regionais e bilaterais que proliferam em todas as direções, tem suscitado um rico debate sobre modelos alternativos de política comercial. Por que alguns países são mais agressivos que outros na busca de acordos de comércio? Como os países se organizam para negociar? Como funcionam os mecanismos de consulta à sociedade civil? Como os órgãos do governo se coordenam para executar a política comercial? Como funcionam os mecanismos de tomada de decisão? Quais os resultados das políticas comerciais em termos de números de acordos e volumes de comércio obtidos? Qual o impacto desses acordos sobre a redução da pobreza e o bem-estar das sociedades envolvidas? Este livro foi escrito para responder essas questões. Coordenada por três entidades o Instituto de Estudos do Comércio e Negociações Internacionais (ICONE), a Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas da Universidade de São Paulo (FIPE) e o Departamento para o Desenvolvimento Internacional do Reino Unido (DFID), a obra reúne contribuições de renomados especialistas em política comercial de Argentina, Brasil, Chile, Estados Unidos, México e União Européia. Esses países foram selecionados em função da diversidade de seus modelos organizacionais e de seu perfil mais ou menos proativo em matéria de negociações de acordos comerciais. O livro tem textos em três idiomas inglês, espanhol e português. Os estudos aqui apresentados foram discutidos em seminário internacional realizado no dia 7 de agosto de 2006, na Faculdade de Economia, Administração e Contabilidade (FEA-USP). No seminário, do qual participaram empresários, acadêmicos, especialistas e jornalistas, os autores apresentaram a estrutura analítica de seu trabalho e as conclusões sobre os efeitos do modelo organizacional específico de cada país sobre sua política comercial. Foi um grande desafio conciliar as pesquisas individuais em um 1 Presidente do Instituto de Estudos do Comércio e das Negociações Internacionais (ICONE) e Professor Associado da Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de São Paulo (FEA-USP). 2 Professor Titular de Economia da Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de São Paulo (FEA-USP) e ex-diretor presidente da Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas (FIPE). 7

8 Marcos Sawaya Jank e Simão Davi Silber conjunto coerente de análises e conclusões. Estamos convencidos de que o todo que surgiu é maior que a soma das partes. O livro reflete, portanto, a visão dos autores e os comentários de observadores especializados em temas de comércio internacional, integração e políticas comerciais. Esses comentários estão sintetizados no sumário executivo escrito por Mário Jales, ex-pesquisador sênior do ICONE e doutorando em Economia pela Universidade de Cornell. Jales fez uma leitura cruzada dos textos e recolheu as principais observações dos comentadores e debatedores no seminário. Segundo Jales, estratégias diferentes de integração na economia mundial resultam em diferentes papéis para o comércio no âmbito das políticas econômicas e de desenvolvimento. Enquanto alguns países identificam a integração na economia mundial como um ingrediente crucial para promover agendas domésticas econômicas e políticas, outros preferem preservar a sua habilidade para implementar agendas domésticas independentes de constrangimentos externos. Os resultados são variados. Embora a crescente liberalização comercial promova crescimento econômico e ganhos de eficiência, não necessariamente leva a um alívio da pobreza ou à redução de desigualdades. Por outro lado, um fraco desempenho comercial pode impedir a geração de crescimento, que é necessário para atacar adversidades socioeconômicas. Portanto, a política comercial deve vir acompanhada de iniciativas de políticas domésticas a fim de assegurar que ganhos de comércio melhorem o bem-estar da população. O objetivo de um livro sobre modelos organizacionais comparados de política comercial é avaliar o papel fundamental das instituições públicas no aumento do comércio de bens e serviços e seu benefício para os países. Os Estados exercem papéis estratégicos na condução das políticas comerciais externas. A maneira como estão estruturadas as instituições públicas, bem como a eficiência de sua capacidade de coordenação e governança, são fatores determinantes para o sucesso de um país dentro de uma crescente rede de acordos e tratados multilaterais, regionais e bilaterais. O ICONE, a FIPE e o DFID entenderam ser fundamental enfrentar o desafio de provocar um debate sobre modelos organizacionais de política comercial nos seis países selecionados. Alguns, principalmente o Chile e o México, têm demonstrado uma intensa atividade de negociação de acordos com parceiros desenvolvidos que detêm estruturas negociadoras sofisticadas e resultados concretos em termos de aumento do comércio e dos investimentos. Raúl Sáez, autor do caso chileno, diz que as exportações de seu país, cuja história de liberalização comercial começa nos anos 1970, se diversificaram, assim como os mercados de destino, e representaram 35% do PIB em 2005, enquanto as importações responderam por 41%. As exportações contribuíram para um maior crescimento da economia, o que reduziu a pobreza. Não obstante, persiste 8

9 Apresentação no Chile má distribuição de renda. A política de negociações de acordos de livre comércio levou a uma tarifa efetivamente aplicada inferior a 2%. O México, segundo Jaime Zabludovsky, tem, hoje, tratados de livre comércio com 42 países, que representam 85% de seu comércio total. Durante os doze anos transcorridos desde a entrada em vigor do Acordo de Livre Comércio da América do Norte (Nafta), as exportações mexicanas se converteram em um dos principais motores do crescimento econômico do México. Porém, adverte Zabludovsky, algumas das vantagens iniciais dos tratados vêm passando por um processo de erosão diante do número crescente de competidores de outros países com acesso preferencial aos mercados da América do Norte e da crescente presença da China no Hemisfério Ocidental, após a sua adesão à OMC. À diferença do Chile e do México, o caso argentino, analisado por Roberto Bouzas e Sebastián M. Cabello, revela características de política comercial que têm mais a ver com urgências de curto prazo. O conflito histórico entre diferentes modelos de integração à economia mundial foi agravado por uma trajetória caracterizada por crises recorrentes e alta volatilidade. Essas características influíram decisivamente no processo de formação de expectativas dos agentes econômicos e de identificação de prioridades de política por parte dos funcionários públicos. Como resultado, a política comercial tem sido subordinada a objetivos e urgências de curto prazo. Pedro da Motta Veiga cita dois fatores que explicariam a predominância de posturas defensivas por parte do Brasil nas negociações dos anos 1990 e 2000: a primazia que os setores que competem com importações conseguiram manter, na área das reformas comerciais, sobre os setores e interesses exportadores, e o fato de que o paradigma de política externa, consolidado durante o período de industrialização por substituição de importações, permaneceu hegemônico no Brasil, em que pese a tendência liberalizante que caracterizou as políticas econômicas nos anos 1990 e que não foi revertida ao menos de forma significativa sob o Governo Lula. Jacint Jordana e Andréa C. Bianculli revelam a complexidade do processo de tomada de decisões na política comercial da União Européia, pois, embora os Estados Membros tenham há muito tempo abdicado de seu poder de atuar nas negociações internacionais, persiste o desafio de os mesmos cederem soberania para a autoridade supranacional. I. M. (Mac) Destler ressalta o papel crucial conferido ao Congresso na política comercial dos EUA. Cabe ao Legislativo conceder autorização ao Executivo para negociar a redução de barreiras comerciais nos três níveis de negociação: multilateral, regional e bilateral. A colaboração entre os dois poderes tem-se complicado em face do crescente rancor entre Republicanos e Democratas. O leitor deve estar ciente de que este livro foge do padrão convencional de avaliar políticas comerciais, e enfatiza, sobretudo, como diferentes formatos 9

10 Marcos Sawaya Jank e Simão Davi Silber organizacionais e institucionais podem moldar a política comercial das nações. Além disso, os organizadores acreditam e têm a ambição de que uma discussão sobre o tema deva ser cada vez mais acessível ao público em geral, e não exclusiva ao pequeno mundo dos tecnocratas e especialistas na matéria. Consideramos o debate sobre políticas comerciais tão importante para nossas sociedades que, além do seminário internacional em São Paulo e deste livro, estendemos a discussão para dois outros foros. Assim, as três entidades parceiras promoveram, no dia 6 de agosto de 2006, um jantar informal sobre o tema Reencontrando a Agenda Comercial Hemisférica, do qual participaram os autores e organizadores deste livro, bem como especialistas nacionais e internacionais no assunto. No dia 8 de agosto, o ICONE, o Centro Brasileiro de Relações Internacionais (CEBRI), a Fundação Centro de Estudos do Comércio Exterior (FUNCEX) e o Centro de Estudos de Integração e Desenvolvimento (CINDES) realizaram no Rio de Janeiro a mesa-redonda Políticas Comerciais Comparadas: Brasil, EUA, UE. Finalmente, cabe destacar que este livro foi lançado durante dois outros eventos relacionados ao tema: nos dias 5 e 6 de março de 2007, em São Paulo e no Rio de Janeiro. O primeiro evento foi o Seminário de Negociações Internacionais Desafios das Relações Comerciais Brasil-Estados Unidos, numa parceria do ICONE com a Câmara Americana de Comércio (AMCHAM). O segundo, foi a mesa-redonda Política Comercial no Brasil, Chile e nos EUA, uma iniciativa conjunta ICONE-CEBRI. O projeto do qual originou este livro foi integralmente financiado com recursos do Departamento para o Desenvolvimento Internacional do Reino Unido (DFID), que tem entre seus interesses colocar a redução da pobreza como o grande objetivo para formuladores de políticas públicas e negociadores nacionais. O compromisso com o debate sobre aspectos do comércio exterior, que afetam imediata e diretamente a vida das pessoas pobres por meio de emprego, renda, capacidade de consumo e inclusão social, é parte do envolvimento mais amplo do governo britânico com as metas de desenvolvimento do milênio. A todos aqueles que colaboraram pesquisadores, debatedores, especialistas e instituições envolvidas no projeto, agradecemos o apoio, o trabalho realizado e os valiosos comentários que possibilitaram a edição deste livro. Um agradecimento muito especial a Maria Helena Tachinardi, Adriana Leal e Saulo Nogueira, da equipe do ICONE, pela coordenação editorial da obra. Esperamos que a forma como utilizamos as idéias desenvolvidas no livro seja um forte estímulo para outros pesquisadores, estudantes e tomadores de decisão dos setores público e privado. 10

11 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: TRADE POLICY IN LATIN AMERICA, THE UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN UNION Mário Jales 1. Introduction The comparative analysis of the trade policy experiences of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the United States and the European Union provides important insights into the debate over institutional models and their direct and indirect impacts on trade, economic growth and socioeconomic conditions. Although organizational structures shape the way in which trade policy is implemented in different countries, the effectiveness of trade policy formulation is ultimately determined by broader political factors. This is especially true for countries where democratic political institutions and processes are not consolidated. Different strategies of integration into the world economy result in different roles for trade in overall economic and development policies. While some countries have identified integration with the world economy as a crucial ingredient for promoting domestic economic and political agendas, other countries have focused on preserving their ability to implement domestic agendas independent of external constraints. The results are varied. Although increased trade liberalization promotes economic growth and efficiency gains, it does not necessarily alleviate poverty or reduce social inequalities. On the other hand, weak trade performance may prevent the generation of growth that is necessary to address socioeconomic adversities. Therefore, trade policy must be accompanied by domestic policy initiatives in order to ensure that gains from trade improve the welfare of the population at large. The chapter is divided into four sections in addition to this introduction. Section 2 compares trade performance in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the United States and the European Union over the last quartercentury. It examines trade indicators, evaluates the depth and quality of trade liberalization, and reviews the impact of trade on poverty and human development. Section 3 examines the institutional framework of trade policy 1 Ph.D. candidate in Applied Economics, Cornell University, and former researcher at ICONE. 11

12 Mário Jales in each country (or group of countries, in the case of the European Union 2 ). It analyzes the organizational structure of government institutions that are responsible for trade policy formulation and implementation, the degree of intragovernmental coordination, the role of technical and professional staff, and the mechanics of the decision-making process. Section 4 investigates the formal and informal mechanisms for private sector and civil society participation. It evaluates government accountability and compares government overtures toward different interest groups. Finally, Section 5 assesses advantages and disadvantages in the models adopted in each country and concludes with policy recommendations for improved trade policy models. 2. Trade policy performance Trade policy performance can be evaluated by means of both economic and policy indicators. Whereas the latter provide information on trade measures per se, the former gauge the effects of such measures on trade flows, the economy and the society at large. Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the United States and the European Union followed different trade policy paths between 1980 and While Chile and Mexico adopted ambitious trade liberalization policies, Argentina and Brazil undertook more modest reforms. The United States and the European Union made incremental changes to their largely liberal trade policies, but maintained distorting measures in a few important sectors (notably agriculture, textiles and clothing). This section uses economic and policy indicators to analyze the trade policy performance of each of these six countries. It illustrates that countries that have substantially removed domestic barriers to trade and emphasized international trade negotiations have undergone faster trade expansion and economic growth. Nevertheless, the impact of trade liberalization on poverty alleviation and the reduction of income inequality has been limited. 2.1 Policy indicators Policy indicators provide a snapshot of the direction, intensity, coverage and sustainability of trade policies. They describe the use of domestic trade-related instruments (such as tariffs, anti-dumping duties and export subsidies), as well as the degree of involvement in integration mechanisms (such as bilateral, regional and multilateral trade agreements). 2 For the purpose of simplicity, the European Union is identified as a country in the remainder of the chapter. 12

13 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Domestic instruments The import tariff is the most common type of trade policy instrument. International trade negotiations have traditionally focused on the reduction or elimination of tariff rates. Nonetheless, as tariffs have been progressively reduced, non-tariff measures have emerged as significant trade policy instruments. All six countries analyzed in this chapter have significantly reduced import tariffs over time. Nonetheless, they have done so in largely different manners and over different periods of time. In the United States and in core countries of what is now known as the European Union, the bulk of tariff reductions occurred long before In Chile and Argentina, tariff reductions were implemented in the 1970s, temporarily reversed and subsequently reintroduced. Finally, Mexico and Brazil initiated tariff reductions in the 1980s. The timelines presented in Figure 1 indicate the most recent periods of overall lowering of tariffs in each of the six countries. USA Figure 1 Timelines of Tariff Reductions in Selected Countries Europe Chile Argentina Mexico Brazil * Darker segments indicate periods of overall lowering of tariffs. ** Europe stands for core Western European countries (France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom). Source: Author. Year The United States assumed the role of champion of freer international trade with the 1934 Reciprocal Trade Agreements Act, which followed the highly protectionist 1922 Fordney-McCumber and 1930 Smoot-Hawley tariff 13

14 Mário Jales acts. The US trade-weighted average tariff fell from 59 percent in the early 1930s to about 13 percent after the first negotiating round of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in the late 1940s. 3 By 1980, the average US tariff was 7 percent. Figure 2 presents US trade-weighted average tariffs from 1880 to In Western Europe, tariff protection was significantly higher in core countries (France, Italy, the United Kingdom and West Germany) from the Great Depression until after World War II. Nonetheless, tariffs in smaller economies, such as Denmark, Sweden and the Belgium-Netherlands- Luxembourg Customs Union (Benelux), were relatively low. 4 Tariffs in both large and small Western European countries were reduced during successive rounds of negotiations under the auspices of the GATT and the various stages of European unification. By 1980, the average tariff levied on industrial products in the European Community 5 was 8.3 percent. 6 Chile was the first Latin American country to thoroughly embrace trade liberalization. Under the guidance of a group of Chilean economists who had studied at the University of Chicago, the military junta that seized power and abolished democratic institutions in 1973 implemented a set of neoliberal economic reforms that included a revamp of the import regime. The average most-favored-nation (MFN) tariff fell radically from 94 percent in 1973 to 10 percent in Tariff reduction was substantially more intense in Chile than in the United States or Europe: in just six years, the South American country undertook tariff cuts of a greater order of magnitude than those implemented by its northern counterparts in over four decades. Chile s tariff cuts were partially reversed between 1983 and Renewed tariff cuts after 1985 brought Chile s simple average tariff down to 11 percent in 1991 and 6 percent in Chile s average MFN tariffs for the period are presented in Figure 2. Given that a large share of Chile s imports 3 IRWIN (1997). Note that three-quarters of the post-smoot Hawley tariff reduction was accomplished through the gradual erosion of specific duties by inflation. 4 BRUSSE (1997). 5 The European Community (EC), which came into existence in 1967, is the most direct predecessor of the European Union (EU), which came into existence in In 1980, the EC had nine member states: Belgium, Denmark, France, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and West Germany. The EC was preceded by the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), which came into existence respectively in 1952 and BAIROCH (1993). 14

15 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY benefits from preferential treatment, its actual level of protection is lower than the MFN rate suggests. Argentina also embarked on a wave of tariff reductions in the 1970s and a reversal of tariff cuts in the 1980s. Although the simple average tariff was reduced from 98 percent in 1976 to 49 percent in 1981, 7 the first wave of liberalization in Argentina was far shorter-lived and superceded by a longer period of protectionism ( ) than in Chile. Argentina s second wave of tariff reductions began with the structural reform programs adopted in the 1990s. The simple average tariff was cut from 26 percent in 1989 to 12 percent in Notwithstanding the overall decline in the tariff level and the entry into force of Mercosur s Common External Tariff (CET) in 1995, Argentina s structure of protection remained unstable. 8 Macroeconomic deterioration has led to Mercosur-wide revisions of the CET, 9 as well as to tariff modifications adopted unilaterally by Argentina. Unlike Chile s experience of drastic tariff reductions in the 1970s, Mexico s first phase of tariff cuts was rather timid: the average MFN tariff was reduced from 27 percent in 1982 to 22.6 percent in 1986, the year in which Mexico joined the GATT. In 1987, the Economic Solidarity Pact brought the average tariff down to 10 percent, Mexico s lowest historic level. Ever since, Mexico s MFN tariff has followed an upward trend. The rise in MFN tariffs coincided with Mexico s preferential liberalization in the 1990s. With the entry into force of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and other preferential agreements, MFN trade became increasingly marginal for Mexico. Brazil was a latecomer to trade liberalization. Its protectionist tariff structure remained largely unchanged between 1957 and The average MFN tariff was reduced from 57.5 percent in 1987 to 13 percent in In 1994, Brazil implemented the Mercosur CET six months ahead of schedule, resulting in an average MFN tariff of 11.2 percent. As was the case in Argentina, the establishment of the Mercosur CET has not prevented moderate fluctuations in the level of protection. 7 MESSERLIN (2002). 8 See Chapter 2. 9 The Mercosur CET was subject to slight variations between 1998 and A 3 percentage point increase was introduced in The tariff differential was then reduced to 2.5 percentage points in 2000 and 1.5 percentage points in See Chapter 1. 15

16 Mário Jales 7 0 % Figure 2 US Trade-Weighted Average Tariff, % Trade-weighted average tariff 5 0 % 4 0 % 3 0 % 2 0 % 1 0 % 0 % Source: Author. Adapted from Stephen L. Lande and Craig van Grasstek, The Trade and Tariff Act of 1984: Trade Policy in the Reagan Administration (New York: Lexington Books, 1986); and Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States (various editions). 100% Figure 3 Chile s ( ) and Mexico s ( ) Simple Average MFN Tariffs 90% 80% Simple average tariff 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 0% C h ile M e x ic o Source: Author. Adapted from data presented in Chapter 3 and Chapter 4. 16

17 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Table 1 presents a snapshot of the current average levels of MFN tariff protection in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, the United States and the European Union. Data is provided for all products, for agricultural products only, and for non-agricultural products. Average tariffs must be interpreted with caution given that they may conceal large differences in tariffs across sectors or products. This is especially true for the agricultural sector, where significantly high tariffs for a small number of key products tend to be diluted by low tariffs in a larger number of other products. Table 1 Average Applied MFN Tariffs, 2004 Country All Products Agricultural Products Non-Agricultural Products Brazil / Argentina Chile Mexico United States * 4.0 European Union * 4.1 * Average applied MFN tariffs on agricultural products are underestimated for the United States and the European Union due to the high incidence of non ad valorem tariffs in these countries (especially in the European Union). Figures presented in this table reflect ad valorem equivalents (AVEs) submitted to the WTO by reporting governments. Such AVEs are often incorrect due to the use of misleading reference prices. AVEs calculated by the Institute for International Trade Negotiations (ICONE), using the methodology agreed by WTO members in the Doha Round, resulted in average agricultural tariffs of 10.9 percent in the United States and 23.2 percent in the European Union. Sources: Latest WTO Trade Policy Reviews for Brazil (2004), Chile (2003), the European Union (2004) and the United States (2006); WTO Integrated Database for Mexico. Although Brazil and Argentina apply different tariff rates for a select number of tariff lines, their average tariffs are virtually the same. Therefore, Brazilian average applied tariffs are presented as a proxy to Argentinean average applied tariffs. In terms of the average protection afforded to domestic producers, the six countries can be grouped into four categories: (i) low average tariffs for both agricultural and nonagricultural products (Chile); (ii) low average tariffs for non-agricultural products, but significantly higher tariffs for agricultural products (United States and European Union); (iii) 17

18 Mário Jales moderate average tariffs for both agricultural and nonagricultural tariffs (Argentina and Brazil); and (iv) comparatively high average tariffs for non-agricultural products and even higher average tariffs for agricultural products (Mexico). Chile is, by far, the country with the least dispersion in its tariff structure. Since 1979, it has applied a virtually uniform MFN tariff. The current general ad valorem rate of 6 percent is applied to more than 98 percent of tariff lines. The major exceptions to this rule are found in the agricultural sector: 11 (i) chicken and turkey meat cuts and offal are subject to an ad valorem tariff of 25 percent, and (ii) sugar, wheat and wheat flour are subject to a complex price band system that often results in the application of a combination of ad valorem and specific duties that may not exceed Chile s bound tariff level of 31.5 percent. Sectoral interest groups have had more influence on the trade policy making of the other five countries under analysis. The high levels of tariff dispersion in the United States (coefficient of variation of 2.4 in 2002) and the European Union (coefficient of variation of 1.8 in 2004) testify to this. Tariff peaks in agriculture and in some labor-intensive manufactures indicate that these countries have not adhered to free trade in sectors in which they are not competitive. 12 Maximum tariffs are 350 percent in the United States and 210 percent in the European Union. Although tariff dispersion (coefficient of variation of 0.7) and maximum tariffs (35 percent) in Argentina and Brazil are significantly lower than 11 The other exceptions to the general 6 percent ad valorem tariff refer to (i) products subject to duty-free access (fire-fighting vehicles, some aircraft, cargo and vessels, nuclear reactors, etc.) and (ii) some used goods, which are subject to a tariff rate of 9 percent. 12 In the European Union, a long list of products were subject to tariffs above 100 percent in 2004: whey (210 percent); edible offal (192 percent); meat of sheep or goats (173 percent); garlic (150 percent); beef (150 percent); mushrooms (135 percent); pork (121 percent); bananas (118 percent); manioc (118 percent); sugar (114 percent); live bovine animals (108 percent); milk and cream (103 percent); rice (101 percent); in the non-agricultural sector, high rates were applied to trucks (22 percent), some electric appliances (14 percent), textiles (12 percent) and passenger cars (10 percent). In the United States, products subject to the highest rates in 2004 were: tobacco (350 percent), whey (284 percent), sour cream (177 percent), and peanuts (164 percent); in the non-agricultural sector, high rates were applied to footwear (58 percent), certain glassware (38 percent), certain porcelain and ceramics (28 percent), and trucks (25 percent). (WTO, 2004b); (WTO, 2006b). 18

19 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY in the United States or the European Union, the two Mercosur countries have also bestowed significantly higher protection on some privileged sectors. 13 However, unlike in many other WTO members, agriculture has not been the sector singled out for protection (agricultural tariffs in Argentina and Brazil are on average lower than non-agricultural tariffs). The sectors targeted for higher protection in the two Mercosur countries are largely the same that benefited from government support during South America s long period of import-substitution industrialization ( ). 14 Since Mercosur is an incomplete customs union, Argentine and Brazilian tariffs have not yet fully converged. Each Mercosur member is authorized to maintain a national list of 100 exceptions to the Mercosur CET until In addition, tariffs on informatics and communication goods have not yet been integrated into the CET. Moreover, the sugar and automotive sectors have been altogether excluded from the customs union from its outset. Thus, Argentina and Brazil have retained discretion to use trade policy as an instrument for domestic industrial policy. Although Mexico has continued to reduce border protection on a preferential basis, MFN protection is significant and follows a pattern that is a combination of those prevalent in Mercosur (low tariff dispersion cum tariff peaks in manufactured goods) and the United States (high tariff dispersion cum tariff peaks in agriculture). 15 Nonetheless, as 80 percent of Mexico s imports come from countries that have preferential access to its market, MFN tariffs provide an incomplete portrait of Mexican border protection. In addition to import tariffs, policy-makers employ a collection of other domestic instruments to restrict imports and/or promote exports. Table 2 summarizes the use of some import-related instruments by country. 13 In Brazil, 1 percent of tariff lines bear tariff rates greater than 20 percent. Of these, one-quarter is in the automotive sector (tariff of 35 percent). Other sectors with tariffs above 20 percent include textiles and clothing, IT and communication equipment, non-electrical machinery, beverages and spirits, tobacco, and dairy products. (WTO, 2004c) 14 The hegemony of these import-competing sectors in the domestic policy environments in both Brazil and Argentina help explain the defensive stances of these countries in international negotiations. 15 Products with relatively high average tariffs in 2001 included meat, tobacco products, cereals, dairy products, clothing, and footwear. (WTO,2002) 19

20 Mário Jales Table 2 Other Domestic Instruments Used to Restrict Imports COUNTRY ANTI-DUMPING DUTIES No. of measures in force (30 June 2005) COUNTERVAILING DUTIES No. of measures in force (30 June 2005) GENERAL SAFEGUARDS No. of measures in force (3 November 2005) SPECIAL SAFEGUARDS No. of tariff lines affected (2002) Argentina Brazil Chile Mexico United States European Union Source: Author. Based on country notifications to the WTO. Non-tariff measures affecting trade have become increasingly more common as tariffs themselves have been reduced over time. Anti-dumping (AD) duties are one of the major instruments utilized to restrict imports. The United States and the European Union are by far the most frequent users of this type of instrument: respectively 280 and 167 AD measures were in force as of June Together with New Delhi, Washington and Brussels issue more AD measures every year than any other capital city in the world. Mexico, Argentina and Brazil are also active users of AD measures. While the average annual number of AD measures in Mexico has decreased in as compared to , in Argentina and Brazil the number has increased (see Figure 4). Chile stands out as the only one of the six countries that has not made extensive use of AD. No measures were in effect as of June 2005, and only four permanent duties were imposed in the last ten years. Chile is a leading member of the group of Friends of Anti-dumping Negotiations, a coalition of countries that have tabled many proposals for tightening WTO disciplines on the conduct of domestic investigations in order to prevent abuse of AD measures and burdensome or unnecessary investigations (Brazil and Mexico are also members). The US AD legislation is a main target of international criticism. Aspects of US AD practices have already been found to be inconsistent with multilateral trade rules by the WTO s Dispute Settlement Body (DSB). European, Mexican and Argentine AD measures have also been challenged at the WTO and elsewhere. 20

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